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PRESS
RELEASE NR.01/UNITA/ MEMORANDUM ON NON-COMPLIANCE BY THE MPLA 1975-1998 CARTA ABERTA AOS POVOS DE EXPRESSÃO PORTUGUESA
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May 22, 2001 PRESS RELEASE Comprehensive Human Rights Report During the last two weeks, NSHR received the following allegations of human rights abuses, some of them of grave nature. 1. FAA Soldiers Sell Stolen Cattle Human rights monitors in the Ohangwena Region last week reported that on May 11, 2001, three (3) Namibians were arrested and detained after buying cattle from Angolan FAA soldiers at Ohehonge village, 57 km northeast of Eenhana, in the said Region. They are: Elia NDEULITA (45) a resident of Ohameva village, some 75 km east of Eenhana, Paulus HAMWAANYENA, (age unknown), a resident of Omahalumeya village, 76 km east of Eenhana and Johannes HAIDUWA (30) a resident of Oukala village, 16 km east of Eenhana. After purchasing the cattle, the trio were allegedly issued with permits by FAA soldiers and they also obtained another permit issued by a certain Abner, said to be Headman of Onakalunga village, 10 km east of Eenhana. Ndeulita informed human rights monitors that he spent N$3 000 on three heads of cattle. Altogether, they bought seven (7) cattle in total. This happened between May 9 and 10, 2001. While herding their cattle to their home villages they were approached by a stranger who introduced himself as coming from Okeendediva village, some 17km northeast of the border from Eenhana. This unidentified stranger claimed that four (4) of the cattle in question were his own. The trio, however, explained that they bought the cattle from FAA soldiers. They asked whether it was possible for him to go back with them to the FAA sellers so that if his claim proved to be true FAA may refund them. He, however, hesitated saying that once the soldiers find out that he is looking for the stolen cattle he would be killed. He opted to report the matter at Eenhana Police Station. While they were in the vicinity of Oshigambo, some 30km northeast of Ondangwa, the police arrested them for stealing cattle and they were ordered to go back to Eenhana police station where they are currently being detained. Upon arrival four (4) of the cattle were allegedly handed over to the complainant. On Wednesday, May 16, 2001, Elia NDEULITA was granted permission to arrange pasture for one of the cattle, on condition that he report back to Eenhana Police Station. In a separate incident on the same day, May 16, 2001, Tadeus HAUFIKU (37), a resident of Oukala village, 16 km east of Eenhana was arrested by Eenhana Police for claiming an ox, which was bought from Ohehonge village. He was, however, allowed by the police to take his ox home. 2. Missing NDF Soldier Meanwhile, human rights monitors in the Kavango Region reported that on April 25, 2001. Corporal Musenge CHIPOYA (36), a resident of Sauyemwa a suburb in Rundu went missing. On that date, Cpl. Chipoya reportedly left his home in the morning for his official duties at the Rundu Military Base. He was picked-up by fellow NDF members. From that day, he never returned home. After some days his wife, Ms. Fransisca Ndala Chipoya, went to the Base to inquire about her husband's whereabouts. She was asked to bring a photo of his missing spouse. On May 9, 2001, Ms. Chipoya went to the Base for a follow-up only to be told that nothing was done thus far. In 1981 Cpl. Chipoya was a former member of the South West Africa Territorial Force (SWATF) who in 1985 joined the notorious paramilitary Koevoet Unit. In 1991 he joined the NDF. 3. The Hawe Killings In yet another incident, NSHR sources at Calai, less than 3km north of Rundu alleged that on February 21, 2001 approximately 100 NDF soldiers traveling in 8 Casspir armored personnel carriers attacked Hawe village, in the Cuando Cubango Province, some 110km northeast of Rundu. They allegedly executed all able-bodied males before they rounded up their wives and children and an elderly male, known as Chikolomwenyo. The captives who were then brought to Calai, less than 2 km north of Rundu town, were identified as following: 1. Fatima HAMBA, with 2 children 2. Domingas PUNGU, with 2 children 3. Mauricia WANDI, with 2 children 4. Fernanda CHITULA, with 3 children 5. Teresa LAURA, with 4 children 6. Daniela NUNDA, with 3 children 7. Ngeve LUCIANO, with 2 children 8. Veronica CHIKUSO 9. Rita KANJIMBA, with 4 children 10. Chikolomwenyo 11. Kasova (a female, aged16) 12. Domingas NONJAMBA Domingas Nandjamba, with her children, is currently at Kasava Refugee Camp, a temporary refugee settlement some 75km southwest of Rundu. One child is said to be in the Rundu State Hospital with gunshot wounds sustained during the attack. It is further alleged that on April 4, 2001, members of FAA and NDF arrested Marcelina NDUVA a female with her four (4) children; Janiva CHIMELA with her child and Vitorina MBAVA with her three children at Lwaseke in the middle of Luenge and Lwangundu in the Province of Cuando Cubango. NSHR repeats its call upon all the parties to the Angolan conflict to strictly observe the rules of international humanitarian law, with specific reference to Article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions of 1949. For any queries, please contact, Phil ya Nangoloh or Zen Mnakapa at Tel: +264 61 236 183 (office hours) or mobiles: +264 811 299 886 (Phil) or +812 452 812(Zen). APRIL 26, 2001 PRESS CONFERENCE Over the last few months respect for human rights and the rule of law and democracy have taken several blows. This morning we will firstly deal with the forced deportation and torture of Namibian citizens and introduce three victims to share their stories. We will then briefly discuss the human rights and security situation in the Ohangwena region, the plight of the Dordabis detainees, the mysterious arrival in this country of 40 suspected Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) citizens, the recent attacks on the judiciary, press freedoms, the rights of sexual minorities and lastly the planned march for human rights and democracy scheduled for Saturday April 28, 2001: 1. Deportation of Namibian Citizens to Angola Deported to Luanda Last year during the course of our monitoring of the precarious human rights, humanitarian and security situation in the northeastern border areas of this country we on numerous occasions reported that Namibian security forces and their Angolan guests engaged in, among other things, summary deportations and torture of Namibian citizens. Two of those who were so deported to Angola were Frans Hamberera KANYEVA (26) of Ngondo village, 90km east of Rundu and Mbanze KAKUNI (age not known) of Ndama Township in Rundu. The two males were among hundreds of Namibian citizens and lawful residents who were indiscriminately rounded up jointly by Namibian and Angolan security forces and summarily deported to Angola. Many others were sent into internal exile in the Osire Refugee camp, some 200km northeast of Windhoek. Kanyeva and Kakuni were deported via the Oshikango border post during May 2000. They were taken to Lubango capital of the southern Huila Province of Angola before being transferred to Menongue, capital of Angola's Cuando Cubango Province in the southeastern corner of that country where Kakuni allegedly died from hunger. Kanyeva was eventually transferred to Luanda from where he left in September 2000 and returned Namibia to detail his deportation to our Kavango-based field monitors. First Tortured then Deported to Angola Also NSHR has on numerous occasions reported and produced proof of many Namibians who were tortured by Namibian security forces in the Kavango Region. While our field monitors promptly identified the majority of the victims, many others were secretly detained and, for obvious reasons, could not immediately be identified. Today we wish to introduce Kosmos KANGOMBE (41) and Masati MUYENGA (48) both of them residents of Korokoko village, 160km east of Rundu. On January 17, 2001, both men, who are Namibian citizens by birth, were arbitrarily arrested and detained by the NDF on flimsy charges that they were in possession of firearms. They were subsequently brought to the NDF's Rundu Military Base where they were subject to torture or to other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. On or around February 15, 2001 they were also summarily deported to Angola. They were handed over to Angolan armed forces at Calai, less than 2km north of Rundu. They recently re-entered their country of birth after they were given "permission" by FAA forces stationed at Calai. Nonetheless, torture is expressly forbidden by the Namibian Constitution (Article 8-2b), the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 5) and the Convention against Torture. Human Rights Situation in Ohangwena Region We also would like to once more sound an alarm about the ever deteriorating human rights, humanitarian and security situation in the Ohangwena Region. Since the end of last year our field monitors in the said Region have continuously produced disturbing reports of gross human rights abuses, including summary executions, enforced disappearances, torture, abduction and robbery. In the beginning NSHR suspected UNITA forces of being behind such abuses. Although possible abuses by UNITA forces cannot be ruled out, subsequent fact-finding missions in the Ohangwena Region have abundantly revealed that the principal authors of these abuses are members of the Angolan armed forces. The Civil Defense Units and other terror-inspiring government armed formations, such as the Ninjas, are particularly involved in most of these acts. These forces are based at places such as Alfadeka (Onamunama village), some 17km northwest of Eenhana, Eengwhiyu village, some 10km northeast of Eenhana and Oheehonge village about 20km northeast of Eenhana. The Dordabis Detainees The continued secret detention without charge or trial of 80 men, alleged UNITA collaborators, sympathizers and soldiers at Dordabis continue to disturb NSHR. We are particularly disturbed by reports that some or all of these detainees have been subjected to torture under interrogations. Two detainees have informed human rights monitors about abuses taking place there. This state of affairs brings into question the Government's commitment to transparency and democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law and justice for all as laid down in Article 1 of the Namibian Constitution. The situation surrounding their detention raises more questions than answers. Who are these detainees? If they have committed crimes why haven't they been charged? Have they been forced to implicate themselves and or confess under duress and torture? When will an independent, impartial and competent court as per Article 12(a) of the Constitution give them a fair and public trial? Will they soon be released as provided for in Article 12(b) of the Constitution which calls for the release of any accused who do not have a trial within a reasonable time? Two detainees, viz. Feliciano Kaumba JOAQUIM and Venacio Armando KAPINHALA were secretly released on April 10, 2001. While the former joined FAA during 2000 and is said to have been a UNITA soldier prior to 1999, the latter is said to have been an Angolan government soldier who was stationed at Calai before his detention. Mysterious Arrival of Congolese Human rights monitors within the NDF reported that 40 Congolese citizens were brought into this country by the NDF on April 24, 2001. The identities of these people--who include between four and six females--are not yet known. Nor is the purpose clear for their arrival in this country. All of them were dressed in civilian clothes. Their mysterious entry into this country raises suspicion, as they maybe prisoners of war and or political detainees. Are they prisoners of war or are they soldiers or recruits to be trained? Is Namibia following the guidelines for the withdrawal and cessation of hostilities in the DRC? Article 96e of the Constitution states 'Namibia encourages the settlement of international disputes by peaceful means'. This, after already ignoring Article 96(a) which states 'The State shall adopt and maintain a policy of non-alignment' Threats to Democracy Recent SWAPO-led attacks on the democratic institutions, unless discontinued, have put this country's constitutional and democratic order at serious risk. These acts are condoned and tolerated in the highest echelons of the government. In recent weeks this country has seen unprecedented campaign of threats, intimidation and vilification as well as attacks on the dignity and independence of the country's judiciary, which have the potential of undermining the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law. Other attacks have included attacks on the freedom of the press, the Church, minority language groups, and the hysterical attacks on this country's gay and lesbian community. The President and his Ministers have taken an oath to 'uphold, protect and defend the Constitution' while judges have taken an oath to uphold and defend the Constitution as the Supreme Law and to fearlessly administer justice to all persons without favor or prejudice. The relentless attacks on the Constitution and the judiciary, the media and civil society actors have also the potential of creating national disharmony and political polarization, leading to a state of siege and insecurity in this country. The Human Rights March Lastly we will discuss Saturday's March for Human Rights and Democracy. Recent months and weeks had witnessed an unprecedented campaign of intimidation, scandalization and vilification as well as calls for the summary dismissal of judges, calls for the arrest, imprisonment and deportation and even elimination of gays and lesbians, as well as calls for Namibians to stop marrying foreigners. What is disturbing is the fact that the ruling party spearheads this campaign. NSHR urges all Namibians who are concerned with the erosion of respect for human rights and democracy, to march in defense of the Namibian Constitution and future of the nation. We therefore, call on all civil society actors, both individual and corporate, to stand up and be counted in the defense of human rights, respect for the rule of law and the democratic institutions of our republic. All NGOs, community-based organizations, churches, political parties and any other civil society actors are urged to mobilize their constituencies, workplaces, families and congregations to take a public stand and peacefully demonstrate their support for democracy, respect for the rule of law and justice for all on Saturday, April 28, 2001. ENDS.
SECOND OPEN LETTER June 2, 2000 Dear Mr. Hain MP I must admit that we in NSHR were rather surprised and extremely elated at receiving your letter of May 12, 2000, replying to our first Open Letter of May 7, 2000, written on the occasion of your recent visit to Namibia. In spite of our disagreements, your reply alone creates a rare opportunity for exchanging views on issues of concern to your Government and to us as an indigenous African human rights organization. However, in replying directly to your letter we strongly reject and totally disagree with the view expressed in your letter that our Open Letter contained "misinformation". As stated then, I wish to reiterate now that we have found both irreconcilable and extremely suspect your concern about the deplorable human rights situation in Zimbabwe, on the one hand, and in Angola, on the other. Here is why: First, if I am to be compelled to compare the current human rights situations in the two countries, then I must point out that the human rights situation in Angola is much graver than that in Zimbabwe. Undeniably, the human rights situation in Angola is characterized by a consistent pattern of gross violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including summary or arbitrary executions, torture, enforced disappearance, imprisonment of masses of people for long periods dating back to the colonial era. Some of these abuses are directed particularly against the Ovimbundu-speaking people for their real or perceived support of UNITA. The abuses include massacres, transfers of large numbers of people, enforced disappearances, torture and mutilation, which have been occurring along Namibia's northeastern border since last November. In addition, severe suppression of civil and political rights are well-documented, including restrictions on the right to freedom of opinion and expression, association, assembly and the persecution of media workers in Angola. This explains why President dos Santos was recently classified as one of the world's 10 worst enemies of the press.
These are therefore some of the apparent double standards we are questioning. We reiterate that we are encouraged by your public criticism of President Robert Mugabe over the current human rights situation in Zimbabwe. However, we regard as deplorable in the extreme the absence of similar or even stronger public condemnation, on your part, of the human rights situation in Angola, for which the ethnic minority regime is primarily held responsible. Therefore, we are saying that, if you have the courage to publicly condemn Mugabe for human rights abuses in Zimbabwe, you should have the same courage to publicly denounce Angolan President Eduardo dos Santos, not only for the very grave human rights situation in Angola, but also for exporting and fueling civil conflicts in neighboring countries, including Congo-Brazzaville, Congo-Kinshasa, Zambia and our own Namibia. What is good for the goose should be good for the gander. As well, we are also surprised that you and your fellow former anti-apartheid activists in the Action for Southern Africa (ACTSA) could make a 180-degree turn and are now finding yourselves on the same side as devout racists, neocolonialists, exploitative multinational corporations and even notorious mercenary outfits with regard to the situation in Angola. Furthermore, as a former rights activist you appear to have a superficial understanding of the root causes on the one hand and the exacerbating factors of the catastrophic situation in Angola, on the other. This is why:
According to Angola's human development indicators, the life expectancy is 42 years, 82.5 percent of the population live in absolute poverty, 76 percent of the population are without access to healthcare, and the unemployment rate is 80 percent. Does this not disturb your conscience, Sir? Furthermore, the notion that the conflict in Angola is caused by and is rooted in diamonds and or oil sales is also false and misleading. Diamonds, oil, purchases of arms on either side of the Angolan conflict as well as lack of impartiality on the part of UNSC are merely among the most serious exacerbating factors of the conflict. Equally disturbing and morally reprehensible is the MPLA's strategy to physically eliminate UNITA leader Dr. Jonas Savimbi. Ostensibly you, Ambassador Fowler, US UN Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, US State Department's Susan Rice and other friends of big business share such a strategy whereby Dr. Savimbi must be targeted or forced into exile. Moreover, as human rights activists we have learned through various international human rights and humanitarian treaties adopted by the UN that forced exile, among others, is a blatant violation of human rights. We are shocked at hearing from you in your capacity as a high-ranking official of a major Western "democracy" that forced exile is, after all, permissible. This is the same UK, which purports to be genuinely concerned about lack of democracy and respect for human rights in Zimbabwe. Or are democracy and human rights valid only when it serves the best interests of the UK, Canada and US? We are completely convinced that Dr. Savimbi is a legitimate leader who represents a large section of the Angolan population. His people have elected him as their leader. Can anyone imagine how the British people would feel if an Angolan or Namibian leader were to call for the "targeting" and or summary removal of Prime Minister Tony Blair or saying that Mr. Blair should be forced into exile? It is therefore common cause that a UNITA without Dr. Savimbi is like a Britain without Prime Minister Blair or a Vatican without Pope John Paul II. We wish to inform you that your campaign to isolate UNITA and Savimbi is being used by the MPLA to commit genocide against especially the Ovimbundu people for their real or perceived support for UNITA and Savimbi. Please do not say later that you were unaware of the extermination of the Ovimbundu people of Angola. Obviously, yourself and others like you have calculated very well that a UNITA with Dr. Savimbi at the helm poses a formidable threat to your oil and diamond trading partners in the MPLA, and that UNITA without Dr. Savimbi would become, for all practical purposes, a spent force. Military science and common sense show, however, that UNITA could not have been able to fight from within Angolan territory for over 30 years, first, against Portuguese colonialism, and, second, against MPLA exclusionists, if Savimbi had no substantial support among the Angolan population. Moreover, experience elsewhere has shown that American and Russian military might, without popular support on the ground in Vietnam and Afghanistan respectively, could not break the determination of the Afghani and Vietnamese people to fight for their right to self-determination. Why should Angola be an exception? Western governments must therefore stop choosing African leaders. This decades-old "imperialist" strategy was vigorously pursued during the Cold War and seemingly continues into the present periods. During the Cold War era Western democracies and the Soviets supported any African tyrant as long as such tyrant was their stooge. The Soviets used Africans to fight their Marxist-Leninist war for them against what they called Western imperialism and capitalism. The Western countries, on their part, also used African despots to contain what they called the spread of Communism. In Angola during the Cold War, the United States used UNITA as a proxy force to fight against Cuban-Soviet influence in southern Africa. UNITA were then regarded as freedom fighters and MPLA were called "Communists and or Marxists". Now, that the Cold War is over it is back to the economic (read oil and diamond) interests for the United States and the United Kingdom. Now, although the UK and the United States call the MPLA government "legitimate", the Angolan people do not see it that way. When will the African people cease being used by others as pawns in the consolidation of foreign economic interests? Where is the real concern for democracy and respect for human rights here, which were supposed to be the raison d'être for the United Nations? It is really a sad situation. Some of us are starting to realize that the Western countries, especially the US and Britain, are not really concerned about democracy and human rights for Africans. The war in Angola could stop at any moment if the Americans, Russians, British, Ukrainians, Bulgarians and Israelis would today cease supplying weapons to the warring parties. UNITA diamonds are just being used as a cover because these countries know very well that if political power in Angola rests with its rightful owners (the majority of the Angolan people), there is a good chance that the plundering of that country's oil resources by Exxon and others would come to an end. In any case the real victims are democracy, respect for human rights, respect for the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary, peace, sustainable human development and the truth in so many African countries. Africans all over the world have now become laughing stocks partly because they could not find enough time during the Cold War era to concentrate on building democratic societies on their continent simply because they were being used as proxies by the Soviets and Americans. We, younger Africans, are now saying enough is enough! On a positive note, we wish also to express our appreciation at your recognition that UNITA must be part of the eventual solution in Angola. We also view in a very positive light your intention to use your upcoming Angolan visit to urge the Angolan Government to explore ways of including UNITA in the search for a peaceful resolution of the Angola civil war. According to the Angolan Church, "If the Angolan people were not heard for the war to start, let them be heard for it to end". Ipso facto we wish to encourage you to become a permanent partner in the growing pro-dialogue movement in the search for genuine national reconciliation and peace, leading to a durable resolution of the Angolan dispute. Allow me to use this opportunity to invite you to join hands with us, the Angolan civil society, Namibian Church, Angolan Church, and the Governments of South Africa, Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana and others to bring about a peaceful resolution of the Angolan conflict. Our struggle for real democracy and respect for human rights on the African continent continues. Very sincerely, On behalf of NSHR Phil ya Nangoloh, Sr. |
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Última actualização/Last update 28-05-2001 |
